The mechanism of interpellation originated in the UK in eighteenth-century. Due to the relative simplicity of the applicable conditions of the mechanism, which involved unilateral issuance by the Parliament facilitating the discoveries of the facts and warnings against the government, interpellation gradually became an important means for the Parliament to supervise the Cabinet. This thesis aims at finding the problems of interpellation in Macao SAR and proposing the feasible ways to improve it on the basis of drawing on the advanced experience of other countries and regions, through the study on the general theory of interpellation and the exploration of the history of interpellation in Macao. The author believes that the findings are valuable in sense of making the supervisory power of Legislative Assembly implemented, formed under the requirements of executive-led system - both mutual cooperation and mutual checks and balances, and focused on mutual cooperation, and stimulating the development of Macao SAR society. This thesis is divided into three parts, namely the preface, body and conclusion. The preface is intended to indicate that Macao SAR society desires to strengthen the supervision over the government, and that interpellation is a good way to conform to this requirement. The body consists of four chapters, which demonstrates the problems and feasible ways of interpellation in Macao SAR. The conclusion is intended to address three issues, namely what kind of Legislative Assembly the Macao SAR needs, what kind of interpellation the Macao SAR needs and how to achieve such system. The body consists of four chapters, namely the general theory of interpellation, the history of interpellation of Macao, the problems of interpellation in Macao SAR and the ways to improve the interpellation. Chapter one studies on the general theory of interpellation. It begins with the source of interpellation and elaborates the idea that interpellation is a power, which requires assemblymen raising questions actively and government cooperating. Meanwhile, it clarifies the distinction between interpellant and question. The interpellation will have a good III effect, if it is run for legitimate purpose. At last, it analyzes the legal basis of the interpellation that the Macao SAR’s application needs to comply with the political system itself. Chapter two compares the political system after Macao returns to our homeland with what it was before. The main duty of governor was to safeguard the interests of the Portuguese in Macao before returning. Although Legislative Assembly has supervisory power, it has little effect. When it returned, the political system changed. The Chief Executive is responsible for both the central government, and is also responsible for the SAR. The SAR government is limited responsible for Legislative Assembly, so that it has meaningful provisions and safeguards for assemblymen. Therefore the interpellation system in the Macao SAR should also be a new development. Chapter three focuses on the existing problems, as well as the reasons of the existence of the problems in the Macao SAR system accordingly in order to put forward effective measures for improvement. This chapter begins from norms and practices, and practices have three different points - different types of interpellation, different types of assemblymen and different contents of interpellation. It concludes that the reasons are order and justice. Chapter four draws on the advanced experience of other countries and regions. It puts forward three pair points - assemblymen and officials, quantity and quality, and rule of law and public diathesis. Also, it puts forward specific measures, which includes improvement of intention, classification, procedures, consequence systems of interpellation, assemblymen systems and society supervisory culture. Finally, it taps the problem of the usage of power.

質詢制度濫觴於十八世紀的英國。質詢權行使的條件較為簡單，可由議會單 方面發出，從而瞭解事實、警示政府，遂逐步成為議會監督內閣的重要手段。本 文透過對質詢制度一般理論的研究以及澳門質詢制度歷史的探尋，旨在發現澳門 特區質詢制度存在的問題，在借鑒其他國家和地區先進經驗的基礎上，提出可行 性的完善之道，使得澳門特區立法會的監督權得以落實，形成行政主導制下要求 的既相互配合又相互制衡，且重在配合的關係，促進澳門特區的社會發展。本文 分為三個部分，即引言、正文與總結。引言意在指明澳門社會要求進一步監督政 府的普遍要求，而質詢便是順應這一要求的良好方法，正文由四章論證澳門特區 質詢制度存在的問題和完善之道，總結意在歸納本文研究的問題乃澳門特區需要 一個怎樣的立法會、一個怎樣的質詢制度和怎樣實現這樣的質詢制度。 正文由四章組成，分別是質詢制度的一般理論、質詢制度在澳門的歷史發展、 澳門特區質詢制度面臨的困境和澳門特區質詢制度的完善之道。第一章對質詢制 度的一般理論進行了研究，從質詢權的來源著手，分析了質詢權作為一種權力， 議員需要積極的提出質詢，政府也應配合；同時清晰了質詢權中質問與疑問的不 同意義；在抱有理性監督政府的目的下，質詢權會發揮良好的監督效果；最後對 質詢權的法理依據進行探討，澳門特區在適用的同時需要符合自身的政治體制。 第二章從回歸前與回歸後兩個期間的政治體制對比發現，回歸前澳門的總督 制的主要目的是為了維護葡萄牙在澳門的利益，立法會雖然對總督有監督功能， 但是作用不大；回歸後，政治體制發生變化，行政主導制下，行政長官既要對中 央負責又要對特區負責，特區政府需要對立法會有限度的負責，因此議員對行政 行為的質詢有了切實的規定和保障。因此質詢制度在澳門特區也應有全新的發 展。 第三章重點在於發現澳門特區質詢制度中存在的問題，並據此加以相應的分 析，總結該制度存在問題的原因，以便提出有效改善的措施。本章從規範和實踐 兩個層面出發，在實踐中又從質詢的不同產生方式、議員的不同產生方式以及質 詢問答的內容不同進行全面分析，得出澳門特區質詢制度存在問題的原因在於秩 序與公正的主客觀兩方面。 第四章在借鑒其他國家和地區經驗的基礎上，提出從議員與官員、數量與品 質、法制與民情的角度出發，完善質詢的目的、分類、程序、後果制度，議員產 生制度以及社會的監督文化，最後還思考了權力如何運用的問題。